| Mideastnews
43 April 2003 Israel-Palestine |
An Optimistic OutlookAt the age of 79 and known as Israel's elder statesman, former Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Shimon Peres remains optimistic that peace can be achieved in his life time. By Adel DarwishShimon Peres has become Prime Minister by default after the Assassination of peace maker Yitzhak Rabin in 1995. The Israeli left and liberals who pinned hopes on him in the 2001 election - when labour under Ehude Barak was humiliated in the polls- knew in their hearts he never won an election to become a Prime Minister. Instead he has been working for peace with another former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and now Palestine first Prim Minister Abu Mazen- Mahmoud Abbas. In a series of small briefings with newspapers editorial staff, dinners and one little advertised public speech, Mr Peres was preaching his optimistic view for peace, surprising every one this week by saying he believes the conflict in Iraq might just be the key that opens the door. Cconflicts in the 21st century were no longer about borders or resources, said Mr Peres, but about progress, modernity and advance against the forces that wanted to pull the world backward or keep it where it is. This latest conflict is `` a war for modernity'', the Israeli statesman said, and one that will finally give the people of Iraq and other Arab nations a chance. ``The past is written in red ink, in blood and hatred. None of us can change this. What everyone must do is think about the future. We are living in a revolutionary age. Twentieth century wars were about ideologies, flags and borders. The new age is a world where science and technology allow us to co-exist, no longer divided between east and west, north and south.'' Interesting ideas and fine words; yet, by design or by default most
of questions, by a Palestinian woman, a man from the Guardian and an English
woman activist in one of many pro- Palestine British campaigns as well
as Palestine Diplomatic rep in Britain Affif Safieh, kept Mr Peres well
entrenched in the past having to defend some policies of Israeli government
with which he was clearly uncomfortable.
As he cited China and Russia's realisation that if they were to have innovation, prosperity and applicable science, they also must have truth to free their mind form the totalitarian restrictions of an age of ideology that passed its sell-by-date. "The new age is knocking on the door of the Muslim world as well," Mr Peres said. ``They cannot live in the past, their traditions will not enable them to make a living. Islam needs a reformation.'' He was not challenged by Muslims present on religious ground or taking
his remarks as an affront to Islam.
But this golden 21st-century vision is threatened by ``Islamic terrorists,'' - as they call themselves by the name - Like Islamic resistance, Islamic Jihad, Hizbollah - perhaps one day armed with weapons of mass destruction, who are ``afraid of modernity.'' This particular notion has been explored by intellectuals in Egypt-
although they were discouraged from publishing their work. They have
argued in the past two years that traditional businesses funded by Islamic
finance houses - who crossed swords with the Egyptian government
in 1988 over pyramid saving schemes that deprived thousands of billions
of their savings- were also financing terrors groups. Bin Laden himself
and Al-Qaeda have a vast investment and finance in Yemen, Bosnia and Albania.
Egyptian economists point to the Islamists' campaign against
Sainsbury first supermarkets in Cairo which forced the British firm to
withdraw loosing $100 million.
Whether aware of the small, but dedicated work of little known Egyptian economists, Mr Peres's argument echoed what they expressed in their private seminars in Cairo over the past two years. Mr Peres acknowledges that there are other countries in the Middle East,
such as Iran, Syria and Libya, that have as strong, if not stronger, links
to such terrorism than has Iraq. But they also have more potential to reform
and he believes that America has made ``the right choice`` in deciding
to oust Saddam Hussein ``as a warning to the rest``. Those who cite the
anti-American demonstrations on the streets of Gaza as evidence that this
war is fuelling the fires of Arab extremism, are dismissed by Mr Peres.
``This war will help the Middle East peace process. It will show that the
world is not wild.''
``If he cannot control Hamas and Islamic Jihad, what is the point in us talking to him? If you have five or six armies, you cannot be a proper state. We need a partner for a peace process because you cannot clap your hands if you only have one hand.'' He acknowledge mistakes made by labour and Likud. Labour made mistakes in believing they could sell the idea of peace to a sceptical Israeli electorate without firm commitment to make sure there was a Palestinian partner willing to take the risks, he said. Meanwhile he saw Likud's mistake as believing that too can have peace without a partner by imposing their brand of peace by force. He couldn't bring himself round to say that he believes Sharon was a credible partner for peace. ``I cannot make any promises for him but I can say that every leader must relate to reality. If you get a proper Palestinian Authority government, then Sharon would have to react properly. '' However Mr Peres didn't sound too sure of the unpredictable Sharon. ``A leader can wake up in the morning and order peace instead of coffee. If he wants coffee, that's easy, he can have it. But if he wants peace, he must do more than wake up. He must have a partner.'' British Prime Minister Tony Blair is staking much of the political capital he has earned in Washington on a gamble that he can persuade George Bush to force through the implementation of a road map for peace leading to Palestinian independence by 2005. While Mr Peres says that Mr Sharon would undoubtedly be susceptible to American pressure, he is sceptical about the chances of Washington paying much more than lip service to the new initiative, not least because Bill Clinton's previous efforts had proved to be in vain. In a reply to cynical question as whether the Americans were just publicising
the idea of a road map to soften the opposition to war in Iraq and make
the Middle East warm up to an American role, Peres again was not 100% sure.
Mr Peres is not impressed by the road map itself wither.
In each stage of the journey would have to be completed before another
could proceed. ``This must not be like a train with wagons but like a fleet
of ships. If one wagon gets stuck, the train becomes paralysed but a number
of ships can sail in the right direction independently. We need to fight
terrorism, negotiate, have economic reform and bring in aid, all these
are separate ships.''
This was of course in reference to remarks made by British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw which angered Tel Aviv. Mr Straw implied a degree of moral equivalence between Israel and Iraq's failure to obey UN resolutions. The British ambassador in Tel Aviv was given a strong protest from Israeli officials. ``Language is a tool of diplomacy,'' he said and ``that is why I prefer not to mention any names.''
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