Israel's Election 99

Party Time in Israel
January 9,.1999

	From Ami Isseroff, Rehovot, Israel: Israeli elections always bring forth a plentitude of political parties. Perennial protagonists who almost never elect a representative are the Pensioner’s party, the Men’s Rights party, the anti-income tax party and representatives of various immigrant groups.  This election is somewhat different though, because of the peculiarities of the current election law. Until 1996, Israel was a straightforward parliamentary democracy based on country-wide lists. The leader of the list that got the most votes formed the government. There were two large parties and a few satellites and special interest groups. Everyone liked this system. The large parties liked it because, as there was no geographical representation, members were not beholden to their constituency and could do pretty much as they pleased. Small parties liked it because they were able to decide the fate of coalitions, giving them power disproportionate to their representation. As long as the religious parties had no particular agenda regarding non-religious issues, there was no problem. Whatever party had one a clear majority would pay the traditional bribes out of the public pocket, in terms of subsidies for non-existent religious schools and more religious coercion laws, and continue unhindered with the business of government.  However, the religious parties began, gradually, to assume a definite political coloring. By throwing their support to a particular candidate for Prime Minister, they could help to decide the election. After each election, the democratic process having been duly concluded, the actual composition and policy of the government would be left in the hands of the advisors of the religious parties. These are the Council of the Torah Sages and the Council of those Great in the Torah, composed of men such as the Rabbi of Ponyvezh f and the Rabbi of Vozhnitz, titled after towns in Eastern Europe where there are no longer any Jews. The fate of Israel is left in the hands of these ancient men steeped in wisdom regarding questions such as whether it is permitted to pick your nose on the Sabbath and whether urine is kosher. The next Prime Minister is then chosen on the basis of whether or not he or his supporters eat Kosher food and other highly relevant criteria.  The law first put into effect in 1996 was a well-meaning attempt at reform, aimed at eliminating the problems of the old system. However, by the time it had become law, it had been remade by the law-makers in their own image: a self-serving mess. Under the new law, the Prime Minister is elected separately from the parliament (Knesset) members. The unexpected result, in 1996, was that the electorate decided that it was no longer crucial to give a majority to one of the two major parties, each of which is fact an amalgam of smaller parties. The new Russian immigrants’ party. ‘Yisrael Ba’alyah,’  led by anti-Soviet hero Anatoli Shcharansky was born, as was the Third Way, led by Yom Kippur war hero Avigdor Kahalani and dedicated to keeping the Golan heights. The religious parties, some of whom distributed blessings and amulets in return for promises to vote the right way, gained tremendously in power at the expense of the large parties. The trend will continue in the next election.  When it became apparent that only a fraction of the Likud and Labor members would be returned to office, many began seeking a way to keep their jobs and those of their friends. Dan Meridor left the Likud when it became apparent there was no place for him at the top, and likewise Benjamin Begin. Each started their own party. David Levy, tempted by the demon of pride and the apparent ease of building a small party, left the Likud with his Gesher party. Haim Ramon and Nissim Zvilli may defect from Labor. All of them have the same platform: full employment - for themselves and their friends.  In an astute political move, Benjamin Netanyahu decided to work the system to his own best advantage. Loyal comrade and henchman Avigdor (Yvette) Leiberman split off from the Likud, but it was not a desertion. Leiberman is forming his own Russian immigrants’ party. Leiberman has a great deal of money, which comes from unknown and probably unsavory sources. His aim, he says is to destroy the ‘elitist oligarchy’ which controls the police and courts, but his voters will support Bibi for PM.  The law will probably be changed after the next elections, but meanwhile it introduces a great element of uncertainty into the Israeli elections. The “centrist” party, which was supposed to be a refuge for disgruntled Likud voters, is turning out to be a rallying point for anti-Barak labor voters. In theory, these could give Barak and Shahak almost 30% each on the first ballot, while Netanyahu would get 40%. The left would get most of the votes, but the right would win the election. Or  suppose that Benjamin Netanyahu is elected, but the “centrist” party wins a substantial number of seats. The centrists may, like the ‘Democratic Change’ party before them, be lured into supporting Benjamin Netanyahu’s government. Even more absurd, and very likely, Labor’s Ehud Barak may win a majority, but be faced with a Knesset packed with right- wing members from the Likud, the ultra-right Tzomet and Moledet parties, Avigdor Leiberman’s cop-busters party, and the religious parties. Unlike the U.S, Israel has no division of powers between executive and legislative branches. The government could be totally paralyzed in that situation, forcing either new elections or a government of national unity.
	Ami Isseroff: is the editor of  Peace Watch :
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