Condoleezza Rice:
Diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy
By Adel
Darwish
Leaders in the Middle East who turn deaf-ears to their peoples' calls for
reform, had a rude awakening recently : reform, peace and democracy are coming to the region and they'd better not block them, with a list of excuses topped by ` Palestine.'
The arrival of newly appointed American Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice breathed a new life in the peace process, with her commitment to an independent
Palestinian state, the birth of which, has long been used by autocratic regimes
to postpone the restoration democracy where it once flourished prior to military
coups.
In her last month whirl-wind tour of Europe and the Levant Miss Rice brought a
clear message: America's allies can no longer enjoy American protection while
thwarting American purposes.
The purposes are peace and defeating terrorism through reform and
democratisation, as spelt out by President George Bush - in his State of the
Union address- and by Miss Rices's answers to the congressional Committee
scrutinising her appointment to office.
Unlike her predecessor Colin Powell's time in Foggy Bottom, US diplomacy will
not be used to rein in the President's ambition to ``create a balance of power
in the world that favours freedom'', but rather to support it, as illustrated by
her stand on Iran.
While ruling out military action, ``at this point in time,''' she fired warning
shots across Europe's and Iran's ships. `` Diplomacy is an important tool at our
disposal...... to eliminate the danger of [possible] Iranian nuclear
threat,''she said, advising Iran, not to miss the opportunity offered by
European negotiators.
So Europe must act in consort with America, while, Iran was ``not immune'' to
the changes sweeping the region. The sight of exiled Iraqis and Afghans, voting
in Iran for the elections in their home countries must have had an effect on the
Iranian people, whom she said `` were a majority deprived by a non elected
minority of performing their right to chose their system of government.''
The location of her joint Press Conference with Foreign Secretary Jack Straw
emphasised the important role of Britain, `` whom the US has no better friend or
ally.'' It was also at the Foreign Office, when, in 1997, New Labour first
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook launched his `` ethical Foreign Policy,'' that
never was; as many Middle Easterners and Muslims longing for democracy would
testify. Paradoxically, it was Condi, the high priestess of the Bush doctrine -
a doctrine hated by a chores of European leftists like Mr Cook - that, for
Palestinians and other democracy starved peoples, put ethical foreign policy
back on the agenda.
The conventional wisdom, held by the usual suspects of anti-war, anti-American
liberal leftists, is that US is ruthless in advancing its interests, while
sophisticated old Europe specialises in more classical, conflict avoiding
diplomacy of goody-goody ``soft power'', `` dialogue,'' and `` constructive
engagement''; even old Cold War warriors - like British former Prime Minister
John Major, accepted this view as `American realpolitik.'
Cynicalss say Washington has a ``selfish strategic or economic interest,'' in
countries where Miss Rice actively wants to promote freedom: Cuba, North Korea,
Iran; while, conveniently discounting others mentioned by Miss Rice like
Zimbabwe, Belarus and Burma.
Her stand with Israelis and Palestinians appeared to be, ethically, even handed,
quarter a century after Andrew Young, America's first black ambassador to the
UN, had to submit his resignation to President Jimmy Carter ( 1979) for meeting
Palestinians ( 1979). Miss Rice made no secrete of the Administration quest to
tilt the balance of power towards freedom, and democracy, while in contrast,
European policy has been to mend fences with dictators like Robert Mugabe and
instructing their embassies in Havana to cease contacts with anti-Castro
dissidents, while seeking accommodation with the Iranian ayatollahs.
``Stability'' and ``constructive engagement'', in Euro-speak mean doing deals
with dictators. ' Miss Rice, by contrast, talks without embarrassment about
exporting liberty.
Solving the Palestine issue tops her agenda. ``We will ask of our partners and
our friends in Israel that Israel continues to make the hard decisions that must
be taken in order to promote peace and . . . the emergence of a democratic
Palestinian state'' She told reporters before meeting Israeli Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon, in response to Palestinians seeking her help in pressing Israel to
remove dozens of unauthorised settlement outposts ( The Israelis say 23, peace
activists counted 50), freeze settlement expansion and halt construction of
Israel's separation barrier in the West Bank. She told the Israelis as much,
behind closed doors, according to sources in Jerusalem. In 2003, as National
Security Chief, she confronted Israeli officials over the ``security barrier''
demanding they take more account of Palestinian concerns.
She told Israelis they must refrain from taking unilateral actions that would
prejudge the outcome of future peace negotiations. She singled out Jerusalem,
claimed by both sides as a capital, and specifically referred to recent Israeli
efforts to seize Jerusalem land owned by West Bank Palestinians, saying,
repeatedly, that Israel should live up to its obligations under the road map
peace plan.
She praised President Abbas, for working to restore calm in the Palestinian
areas and helping jump-start peace efforts with Israel. She made clear to the
Israelis that attacks by splinter terror groups cannot be used as an excuse to
freeze peace process. `` It is 100% efforts in containing violence that we are
seeking, '' was her reply to Israel Radio London correspondent on attacks by
militants against Israeli settlements after President Abbas banned armed
activities,`` and [ President] Abbas is making 100% efforts.......that is why we
should all help him rebuild his security forces to do the job, and I am coming
to London in March [meeting organised by Tony Blair March 1 & 2 to shore up
Abbas's government] to give him support.''
Palestinians complained that Bush administration favoured Israel and was not
active enough in trying to resolve the conflict. ``We will be very active,''
Miss Rice said at a joint news conference with President Abbas. She urged
Israelis and Palestinians to make ``maximum effort'' to make the best of the
current chance for peace.
Her involvement refutes claims by Arab nationalists, Islamists and European
leftists who condemn America's push for democracy as serving American interests,
mainly oil supplies. Editorials in radical papers like Al-Quds al-Arabi, or
government controlled ones like al-Gomhouria in Egypt and the Rising Sun in
Libya united in dismissing the Iraqi election on January 30 as another
instrument to legalise American occupation of Iraq. But the difficulties
facining President Bush in Iraq strengthens Miss Rice's hand when tackling the
Middle East, genuinely believing that solving the Palestinian problems will, in
theory, pull the rug from under the feet of radical groups and Anti-American
propagandists.
``The return of territory is a major step forward,'' she said of the planned
Israeli Gazza pullback. Her decision to appoint a security coordinator for the
region is the strongest signal yet that Washington meant to keep an eye on
commitments undertaken by the two parties. General William Ward has long
experience in International crises, as he served in Somalia in 1993, and with
the military mission at the US embassy in Cairo and commander of the stabilising
force in Bosnia. She said Ward would supervise, among other things, reform of
the Palestinian security forces, promising $20 million (US dollars) for the
Palestinians, and an entire team of monitors, asked for by President Abbas help
prevent any friction and tension'; and invited both Palestinian and Israeli
leaders to meet with President Bush at the white House.
In her press conferences, she cannily managed to avoid being typecast as either
a hawk like Donald Rumsfeld, the brusque defence secretary, or a dove, like
Powell, - much to the irritation of both camps. One moment she sounds like an
old-fashioned foreign policy ' realist' reflecting the start of her political
maturity as an aide of Mr Bush's father, who believed in realpolitik - working
under Brent Scowcroft at the, National Security Council.
When a BBC man asked her why America wasn't subjecting Saudi Arabia to similar
pressure - like Iran - over reform, her reply came from that period:. `` Nations
make their reforms in their own pace, according to their social traditions and
faiths.''
The next, she sounds like a true believer in the muscular foreign policy that
defined Mr Bush's first term. ``I don't think anybody thinks that the unselected
mullahs who run that regime are a good thing for the Iranian people or the
region,'' she said.
Miss Rice is a realist rather than an ideologist; yet not an exponent of
realpolitik in the style of Henry Kissinger, the last national security adviser
to move to he State Department. Unlike Kissinger and most traditional
diplomatists, she believes passionately that sowing democracy and uprooting
tyranny is not only the natural right for human-beings, but also a to US
security. She has been a key figure in shaping Mr Bush's aggressive
post-September 11 foreign policy.
Like the Monroe doctrine, which, in the past, made the American continent safe
for democracy, today the Bush doctrine seeks to make the world safe for
democracy. Democracies never fight each other, is the essence of this doctrine,
while the consequence, that democracies support one another against common
enemies, would seem to have been disproved- in Europe's rection to America's war
on terrorism. Miss Rice wants to revolutionise US diplomacy into a powerful
instrument of policy .
A handful of thinkers in the region [[like Egyptian social-historian Tarek Heggy,
or Saudi columnists Abdel Rahman al-Rashed and Hassan al-Shubukshi,]] welcome
Miss Rice's push for liberty arguing that for once , the interests of the
Americans and those of the oppressed nations of the Middle East seem to match.
The Secretary of State has many qualities to help her long awaited crusade for
democracy: she is clever, charming, articulate, fluent in French and, when
occasion demands, flirtatious. Most important she is right. Desperate for a
change of tone, European diplomats cite her closeness to Mr Bush, as ` her word
will count' - in marked contrast with her predecessor, who lost many battles to
the hawks.
But her critics argue that since the September 11 attacks, she has been a firm
believer in Mr Bush's world view and that she lacks the nuance necessary to be
the nation's senior diplomat. Miss Rice's supporters argue that she genuinely
does share President Bush's beliefs, and yet will not shrink from arguing a
contrary view. . She has compared herself and Mr Bush to that formidable pairing
of the late 1940s, Harry Truman and his secretary of state, Dean Acheson. He
famously said that all presidents have ``uneasy doubts about the state
department'', but not many believe this will be the case with Miss Rice in
charge.
What is clear is that she intends to make a mark. She was born in Birmingham,
Alabama, in the Deep South, in 1954 and grew up in a community steeped in
racism. The Ku Klux Klan detonated a bomb in a Baptist church near where eight
years old Coni stood, killing four young girls.
Her parents, persuaded her that education was a sure route to salvation, and she
duly excelled, becoming a concert-level pianist and securing a place at Denver
University at just 15 years of age, where she read political science and
graduated at 19, to higher studies culminating in doctorate and becoming an
authority on Soviet affairs.
She worked as an adviser on the Soviet Union to the first President Bush before
taking up a fellowship at Stanford, before being lured back to politics in 2000
-. Her cold war experience in deploying a combined force of pro-liberty
diplomacy, and economic powers to bring down ` evil empires', should be noted by
Middle Eastern autocrats as she is serious in ` exporting,' liberty to the
region.
Despite her background, she became a Republican and, as national security
adviser in President Bush's first term, an advocate of a strong, pre-emptive
foreign policy. Miss Rice is a living alone single who is rarely observed on the
Washington circuit. Henry Kissinger, a great flirt, once described how he
enjoyed the aphrodisiac called ` power.' She just prefers the power. She argued
after the overthrow of Baghdad that America should ``punish France, ignore
Germany and forgive Russia,'' for their opposition to the war - more the advice
of a Machiavelli than a Metternich.
Copyright © Adel Darwish &
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